A survey of more than 50 of the most generous donors to Republican candidates and advocacy groups revealed contempt and distrust toward their own party’s nominee.
A powerful array of the Republican Party’s largest financial backers remains resistant to Donald Trump’s presidential candidacy, forming a wall of opposition that could make it exceedingly difficult for him to meet his goal of raising $1 billion before the November election.
Interviews and emails with more than 50 of the Republican Party’s largest donors, or their representatives, revealed a measure of contempt and distrust toward their own party’s nominee that is unheard of in modern presidential politics.
More than a dozen of the party’s most reliable individual contributors and wealthy families indicated they would not give to or raise money for Trump. This group has contributed a combined $90 million to conservative candidates and causes in the past three federal elections, mainly to super PACs dedicated to electing Republican candidates.
Up to this point, Trump has embraced the hostility of the Republican establishment, goading the party’s angry base with diatribes against wealthy donors who he claimed controlled politicians. And he has succeeded while defying conventions of presidential campaigning, relying on media attention and large rallies to fire up supporters, and funding his operation with a mix of his own money and small-dollar contributions.
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That formula will be tested as he presents himself to a far-larger audience of voters. Trump has turned to the task of winning over elites he once attacked, with some initial success. And he has said he hopes to raise $1 billion, an enormous task given that he named a finance chairman and started scheduling fundraisers only this month.
Among the party’s biggest financiers disavowing Trump are Paul Singer, a New York investor who has spent at least $28 million for national Republicans since the 2012 election; Joe Ricketts, the TD Ameritrade founder who with his wife, Marlene, has spent nearly $30 million in the same period; hedge-fund managers William Oberndorf and Seth Klarman; and Florida hospital executive Mike Fernandez.
“If it is Trump vs. Clinton,” Oberndorf said, “I will be voting for Hillary.”
Several strains of hostility
The rejection of Trump among some of the party’s biggest donors and fundraisers reflects several strains of hostility to his campaign. Donors cited his fickleness on matters of policy and what they saw as an ad hoc populist platform focused on trade protectionism and immigration. Several mentioned Trump’s own fortune, suggesting that if he was as wealthy as he claimed, he should not need their assistance.
Among the more than 50 donors contacted, only nine have said unambiguously that they will contribute to Trump. They include Sheldon Adelson, the casino billionaire; energy executive T. Boone Pickens; Foster Friess, a wealthy mutual-fund investor; and Richard Roberts, a pharmaceutical executive. Friess wrote in an email that Trump deserved credit for inspiring “truckers, farmers, welders, hospitality workers — the people who really make our country function.”
Many more donors declined to reveal their intentions or did not respond to requests for comment, an unusual silence about the de facto nominee of their party.
Asked how Trump intended to win over major donors, Hope Hicks, a spokeswoman for the Trump campaign, responded in one sentence: “There is tremendous support for Mr. Trump.”
Trump has said he expects the Republican Party to unite around him, and in recent weeks has made inroads among party leaders who once vowed to oppose him. He delivered a winning performance before lawmakers on Capitol Hill in a whirlwind visit to Washington this month. And polls show the party’s rank and file are beginning to coalesce behind Trump, and that they want party leaders to do the same.
Some major donors have not explicitly closed the door on helping Trump, but have set a high bar for him to earn their support, demanding an almost complete makeover of his candidacy and a repudiation of his own inflammatory statements.
“Until we have a better reason to embrace and support the top of the ticket, and see an agenda that is truly an opportunity agenda, then we have lots of other options in which to invest and spend our time helping,” said Betsy DeVos, a Michigan Republican whose family has given nearly $9.5 million in the last three elections to party causes and candidates.
Some think he’s unfit to serve
Others simply believe Trump is unfit to serve in the Oval Office. Michael Vlock, a Connecticut investor who has given nearly $5 million to Republicans at the federal level since 2014, said he considered Trump a dangerous person.
“He’s an ignorant, amoral, dishonest and manipulative, misogynistic, philandering, hyper-litigious, isolationist, protectionist blowhard,” Vlock said.
Vlock said he might give to Hillary Clinton instead, describing her as “the devil we know.”
“I really believe our republic will survive Hillary,” he said.
At a dinner of the Manhattan Institute in New York this month, Bruce Kovner, a New York-based investor who has given $3.1 million to national Republicans in recent years, argued to a collection of influential conservatives that Trump and Clinton were both unacceptable choices.
“When I talk to my colleagues and friends in similar positions, they have the same degree of discomfort,” Kovner said in an interview.
Unless Trump can win over more benefactors, he is likely to become the first Republican presidential nominee in decades to be heavily outspent by his Democratic opponent, and may find it difficult to pay for the voter-turnout operations and the paid advertising campaigns that are typically required in a general election. President Obama and Mitt Romney raised more than $1 billion in 2012, and Clinton is expected to exceed that figure easily.
Charles G. and David H. Koch, the country’s two most prolific conservative donors, are not expected to back Trump, and their advisers have been scathing in private assessments of Trump’s candidacy and his policy agenda. The Kochs, who command a vast network of conservative donors, have scheduled a conference of their allies in Colorado in late July, where much of their 2016 spending may be determined.
Even among the handful of big donors Trump has won over, doubts persist about his abilities as a candidate and the political apparatus supporting him. Adelson, the most important donor who has endorsed Trump, has indicated he will cut big checks to aid his campaign only if there is a credible advocacy group set up for that purpose.
But Trump still has no sanctioned super PAC able to raise unlimited sums to support his campaign. A gathering next month at Pickens’ Texas ranch that was to be sponsored by one of the pro-Trump groups, Great America PAC, has been called off because Pickens was not sure he was hosting Trump’s preferred super PAC.
Walter Buckley, founder of a Pennsylvania financial-management company, said he decided to support Trump after Gov. Chris Christie of New Jersey endorsed him. Predicting that Trump would shake up Washington, Buckley, said, “This political system needs a shaking like it’s probably not had in 100 years.”
But Buckley, who said he would be willing to contribute to the Trump campaign or to a super PAC supporting him, said he remained upset about Trump’s mockery of Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., for having been captured in Vietnam. “I don’t think anything that anybody’s ever said on the political front has bothered me more than that.”