Their cheeks were bitten by the threat of snow, but the sisters had nowhere else to go. They'd coated their faces with makeup and painted their eyelashes until they looked too...

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TEHRAN — Their cheeks were bitten by the threat of snow, but the sisters had nowhere else to go. They’d coated their faces with makeup and painted their eyelashes until they looked too heavy to blink, gaudy faces to offset drab denims and black coats.

This afternoon, their spirits hung as low as the brooding clouds over the mountains.

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“This country is very dirty,” said Mansureh, a pale 23-year-old who answers telephones at a law firm because she wasn’t accepted to any of Iran’s universities. “Nobody likes the regime, especially the youth. There are so many restrictions, we can’t do anything.”

It was Friday afternoon, time for prayers in the Islamic Republic, but the sisters and hundreds of others trekked into the mountains outside Tehran instead. Droves of twentysomethings flooded the rocky paths as if they were going to a concert or a rally. But there was nothing at the top; they were simply climbing out of the smoggy urban mazes.

Drugs and smokes

The mountains were alive with hormones and directionless potential. Forget black robes and beards; Iran’s almost-adults dressed as if they’d just come from a rave, with faded running shoes and aviator glasses shoved high into their hair. They slouched along, glassy-eyed and smoking cigarettes. Many of them looked stoned. Boys and girls held hands. The winter light slanted through the dying trees. The mood was nihilistic.

“I think the government wants the youth to be on drugs so they keep quiet,” said Mansureh’s sister, a 17-year-old high-school student who also gave only her first name, Mona. “They say it’s a problem, but they’re the ones importing it.”

As their government squares off against the West and vague rumors of outside intervention run in the streets, the youth of Tehran move through the months as if dreaming, passing moodily from pop culture to Persian traditions, groping for their place in the world. Conversations with dozens of teens and young adults in Tehran painted an overwhelming picture of a generation lost, disaffected and stained by longing.

“I’d like to start a new life,” said Mansureh, her words hanging in tea steam, “somewhere else.”

Political lethargy

Like many young Iranians, the two sisters chafe at a strict Islamic government but drop into lethargy when it comes to politics.

The previous night, they’d been kicked out of a shopping center by a government morality squad. Run-ins with police are common; the two say they use their pocket money to bribe their way out of trouble.

A quarter of a century ago, Iran’s fiery youth drove a revolution in the name of Islam and anti-imperialism. But those students grew up, and their zeal faded as they softened into graying bureaucrats. The babies they birthed en masse at the feverish urging of the mullahs have inherited a legacy of double-digit unemployment, widespread drug addiction and gnawing religious disillusionment.

This youthful mass is a powerful, albeit untapped, force: Three-quarters of the population is younger than 35. They are enough to shape an election; in a truly representative system, they would decide their government.

But few young people are expected to go to the polls in the spring presidential election. There’s the stupor of hopelessness, and the boycott threat by some reformists. They say they will shun the polls if the conservatives again ban reformist candidates from running, as they did in parliamentary elections this year.

Unwilling to sacrifice

“When I was a youth, we were revolutionaries, and we were ready to pay the price,” said Hamid Reza Jalaipour, a 46-year-old sociologist and one-time student activist who now runs reformist newspapers. “These days, the youth are not ready to pay. They prefer to depoliticize, and the conservatives are very happy about that. They are looking for passive masses.”

It was the students who swept President Mohammad Khatami into office in 1997, heady with his promises of reform and progress. But Khatami proved weak, and the reforms never came.

So the students lost patience. But when they smashed through the streets in the massive demonstrations of 1999, they were arrested and tortured. Bit by bit, the fire faded from the campuses.

“Our language used to be more courageous,” said Majid Haji Babaei, a 31-year-old doctoral student and a leader at the Student Unity Office. “But we were beaten up and even thrown out of windows, we were suppressed, and many went to jail. Naturally, some students felt disappointed, and the risk of political involvement also got higher.”

Majid Ghanbari owns Video Home, a gaudy outlaw’s den tucked into a corner of a shopping mall in the sandy urban jungles of western Tehran. Its walls are festooned with the bright covers of bootleg movies and CDs. He’s pushing pop hits from America alongside Iranian films. He hunches over his computer all day long, burning CD after CD. “Anything you want, I have it,” he said.

“What kind of life is this?”

Recently, a busload of morality police raided the mall and arrested any woman not covering her hair enough. People haven’t seen that brand of open bullying from the fundamentalists in eight years, Ghanbari fretted.

In these nervous times, Ghanbari finds solace in pop music and bootleg movies. “Almost everybody supports the left, but they don’t have any power,” he said. “When the left doesn’t do anything, people just forget about it. They put their heads down.”

How long will it be, he wondered, before the police shutter his shop for selling illegal CDs? It happens every few months.

“Every time I think, ‘I should do something, I should leave this country. What kind of life is this?’ ” he said, shaking his head. “But then they open the shop again, and I have my job, I have my life. And I am Iranian, I love Iran. I forget about it until the next time.”