WASHINGTON — Rene Carlos Vos, an arms dealer in Alexandria, Va., began hanging around the Washington headquarters of the National Rifle Association in the mid-1980s. The NRA’s staff were intrigued to see the garrulous, back-slapping Vos in the group’s seventh-floor suite, home to its lobbying operation and the chief congressional lobbyist, Wayne LaPierre.
Vos and LaPierre struck those who saw them huddle together as an odd couple. Vos took to cowboy boots and neatly pressed western wear.
“He came off like something of a dandy and a hustler, glad-handing with everybody,” recalled Johnny Aquilino, a former NRA communications director.
LaPierre, by contrast, was remote and quiet, a hand-wringer with an obsessive interest in the intricacies of the legislative process who wore wrinkled suits and carried sheaves of paper — the congressional record, vote counts, handwritten notes — around the organization’s headquarters on 16th Street NW, Washington.
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But the two men struck up a partnership. Vos would be temporarily hired as a lobbyist for the NRA, helping LaPierre press the gun lobby’s agenda on Capitol Hill. And when Vos formed the company Blue Sky Productions, which would become involved in importing tens of millions of dollars of military rifles, LaPierre signed on as his partner, state and federal records show.
Together, the two friends would play an instrumental role in the early growth of America’s civilian market for military-style weapons.
The legislative changes that LaPierre supported as the NRA’s chief lobbyist in the mid-1980s opened the door to the import of military-surplus weapons, which effectively had been banned for two decades. The legislation helped make a new, more powerful class of firearms more readily available to civilian gun owners and begin to shift the profile of American gun ownership.
The arms deal put together by Vos’ company — a $58 million venture to import 50-year-old American-made M-1 rifles from South Korea back to the United States — proved so lucrative that other gun merchants immediately tried to follow their lead. Other importers would seek to bring in more military weapons, not just American but also foreign-made arms like Russian Kalashnikovs and Israeli Uzis, and new business associations sprung up to represent their interests in Washington.
The Blue Sky deal may have helped whet the appetite of American consumers for more and more military-style weapons. Before long, American manufacturers stepped up domestic production of such firearms, including semi-automatic assault rifles and high-capacity pistols, to meet the burgeoning demand.
Some in the gun industry say this transformation was inevitable, regardless of the Blue Sky deal, as technology evolved. Just as cell phones became lighter and more powerful, they say, so did firearms.
But Josh Sugarmann of the Washington-based Violence Policy Center says that the 200,000 rifles imported by Blue Sky were “basically the first of the military weapons marketed to the civilian population. If you were going to draw an ‘assault weapons timeline,’ it would start with the M-1 and eventually end up where we are today.”
By 2012, nearly 1 million of what gun advocates call “modern sporting rifles” were coming into the U.S. market from foreign and domestic sources in a single year.
LaPierre would watch this transformation from up close. He would become the NRA’s top official and best-known champion, shedding his retiring personality and frumpy appearance for fiery speeches and well-tailored suits. And in recent weeks, he led the successful effort to turn back new legislation in Congress to restrict assault weapons. LaPierre declined repeated requests to comment for this article.
Vos, however, would not live long enough to witness his legacy. He died in 1987 in a plane crash while federal investigators were examining his activities as part of a grand jury probe into the Blue Sky deal.
The modern tale of military-style weapons in America opens on Capitol Hill, in mid-1984, when Sen. Bob Dole, R-Kan., introduced an amendment that would open a loophole in the long-standing restrictions on importing military firearms. Dole’s top aide on gun issues at the time, Richard “Pete” Velde, said the senator drafted and sponsored the legislation without any pressure from private interest groups.
FBI investigators, however, later noted that the NRA was at the center of efforts to open the U.S. market to military imports, and LaPierre said in a 1988 interview with The Washington Post that he had lobbied on the amendment personally.
The passage of the amendment immediately caught the attention of arms dealers, who realized that big profits could be made in purchasing large quantities of old U.S. military surplus weapons and selling them to American customers.
A former congressman from New York, John Murphy, was among those who saw the potential. In an interview last month, Murphy recalled being contacted by a Korean-born California businessman, Dong H. Choi, who told him South Korean officials were interested in selling surplus M-1 rifles provided to their country in the 1950s under a U.S. lend-lease program.
Murphy, who described himself in the interview as an adviser to the subsequent import deal, had developed high regard for his M-1 Garand rifle as a platoon leader during the Korean conflict.
Murphy said he contacted Richard “Preacher” Whitner, a former aide to Republican Sen. Strom Thurmond of South Carolina and an expert in the international arms trade who had lobbied for defense contractors, and Alabama congressman Bill Dickinson, who in the 1980s was the ranking Republican member of the House Armed Services Committee.
The group looked to Dickinson’s longtime friend Vos to help arrange the deal and distribute the weapons once they arrived in the United States.
Vos’ business was the retail sale of guns. He ran a well-known store in Alexandria that traded as Old Town Armory.
In October 1985 Vos submitted a firearms license application to the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms and listed LaPierre as “secretary treasurer” of Blue Sky. The application, signed by Vos, said Blue Sky would engage in “importation of surplus weapons, plus items of current manufacture.”
In June 1986, Vos traveled to South Korea to negotiate a contract to import the M-1 rifles.
Two months later, a deal with the Koreans was signed and the first shipment of weapons was sent from Seoul, bound for Vos’ gun store in Alexandria, according to federal records.
But before they arrived, U.S. Customs officials seized the shipment of 40,000 rifles at the port of San Francisco. Federal records show that an anonymous tipster had reported that the weapons had been acquired through bribery and that the import records were inaccurate.
Customs officials found no evidence to support the bribery accusation. But they concluded that, even if the weapons were “curios and relics” under terms of the 1984 Dole amendment, their shipment to the U.S. would violate another law, the Arms Export Control Act of 1976, which prohibited the import of weapons provided to a foreign country under a U.S. military aid program. A deputy ATF counsel in Washington, Jack Patterson, sided with customs officials and revoked the Blue Sky import permit. The weapons were seized.
As the weapons sat at a San Francisco warehouse, the Justice Department launched an investigation into the transaction, and a federal grand jury was convened in Washington. The FBI took the lead but other parts of the Justice Department were also engaged, including the newly formed Foreign Corrupt Practices office, and the Public Integrity Section, which reviews allegations of unethical behavior by U.S. public officials, along with the ATF, then part of Treasury.
Retired ATF special agent Dick Pedersen, who was the lead ATF investigator looking into the import transaction, said in a recent interview that he had concerns about the role that members of Congress and NRA officials might have played in the import deal and about the high-level political pressure that had been brought to bear on its behalf.
“I remember thinking, ‘This whole thing stinks,’ “ he said. He added, “It didn’t pass the smell test.”
LaPierre told federal investigators in the 1980s that he left Blue Sky shortly after it was set up. He said in a 1988 Post interview that he told Vos he would not be involved in the deal and that such an investment might have created an appearance of a conflict of interest because of LaPierre’s position at the NRA. There is no evidence that LaPierre invested in Blue Sky.
Vos had also parted ways with Blue Sky before the probe started.
Federal investigators offered him immunity from prosecution in exchange for his testimony about the role played by members of Congress and about allegations of bribery in Korea, according to Justice Department documents.
During the summer of 1987, Vos said he wanted to take up a new hobby and learn to fly. On a clear November morning, during his maiden flight as a student pilot, his single-engine Cessna, flying smoothly over Warrenton, Va., suddenly nose-dived, crashed into a driveway and burst into flames. Both Vos and his instructor were killed.
Without Vos’ testimony, the grand jury was unable to pursue the case, and it was closed within a year. No charges were filed.
On Capitol Hill, meantime, the importers’ allies had gone to work on legislation to make the M-1 rifle deal legal.
The legislation would amend the Arms Export Control Act to “provide that military firearms of U.S. manufacture” could be imported to the United States if they were “eligible for importation as curios and relics and are owned by the foreign government.”
An appropriations bill with the gun amendment was approved by Congress and signed in to law by President Ronald Reagan.
After a review of the Korea deal by John Bolton, an assistant attorney general in the Reagan administration, and no objections from the State and Defense departments, Treasury officials signed off on the imports.
Blue Sky had the green light to bring 200,000 M-1 military rifles into the U.S. market.